The Women’s Ordination Movement in the
Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day
Saints: Historical and Sociological Perspectives
Nancy Ross, David J. Howlett, and Zoe Kruse
In The Angel and the Beehive, sociologist Armand Mauss chronicled
how leaders and members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day
Saints (LDS/Mormon) made changes to fit into White Evangelical American society in the twentieth century, a process that Mauss described as
assimilation.1 In parallel to the LDS story but unanalyzed by Mauss, the
leadership of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints
(RLDS Church/Community of Christ) invested in a similar “assimilative”
process, but drew closer to mainline Protestant norms, including ideas
about expanding women’s roles in the church and in society. These competing trajectories pushed the two Restoration churches farther apart in
belief and practice.2 By the end of the twentieth century, the most obvious
marker of this distance was the passage of a resolution at the 1984 RLDS
World Conference that permitted the ordination of women.
1. Armand L. Mauss, The Angel and the Beehive: The Mormon Struggle with Assimilation (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 21–31.
2. William D. Russell, “Ordaining Women and the Transformation from Sect to Denomination,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 36, no. 3 (2003): 61–64; William
D. Russell, “Grant McMurray and the Succession Crisis in the Community of Christ,”
Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 39, no. 4 (2006): 27–57; Wesley B. Spillman,
“Adjustment or Apostasy? The Reorganized Church in the Late Twentieth Century,”
Journal of Mormon History 20, no. 2 (1994): 12.
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RLDS conversations about women’s ordination in the late nineteenth century and throughout the twentieth century were consistent
with broader conversations about the status of women in Christianity
and American society. Whereas charismatic and holiness communities
more typically accepted women’s ordination in the late nineteenth-century United States, in the post–World War II era, the so-called “Protestant
mainline” embraced the issue. The latter shift was due, in part, to women’s ordination becoming part of what it meant to be a liberal religious
community in the US, and, concomitantly, what it meant to resist liberal
tendencies. The RLDS Church’s debates on and implementation of women’s ordination follows this pattern. From 1870 to 1910, RLDS leaders and
members debated whether women’s ordination would require a change
in church policy or whether the call of the Spirit was enough to legitimize the practice. By the 1920s and 1930s, a new generation of RLDS
leaders maintained that women’s ordination might be inevitable. By the
1970s, RLDS feminists both advocated for ordination and raised deeper
questions about the problematic nature of hierarchical priesthood power.
When the pro-ordination camp realized its long-awaited victory in the
1984 World Conference, some RLDS feminists were disappointed that the
church chose to maintain its priesthood system instead of opting to share
more power with ordinary members. Ultimately, this change demonstrated the RLDS Church’s alignment with mainline Protestant norms
more than it illustrated a deviation from Mormon movement trends.
This brief essay has three goals. First, we seek to acquaint readers
with primary and secondary sources for studying women’s ordination in
the RLDS Church, which are rich and accessible but surprisingly absent
from studies of “Mormon women.” Second, we seek to bring sociological and historical context to women’s ordination in the RLDS Church.
These perspectives do not just tell us how RLDS fit within larger trends
in American Christianity; they also show that RLDS Church members
helped create such cross-cutting trends. Furthermore, they show that
women’s ordination, rather than being an aberration in the Mormon
tradition, is one of the logical, though not inevitable, outcomes of being
an American-born church that kept company with other American
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churches. RLDS, as we will show, kept company with holiness and charismatic groups in their initial phase, and liberal religious denominations after the Second World War. Third, we will present the history of
women’s ordination as something more than an institutional history and
center the voices and scholarship of RLDS women in the telling of it.
Women, Ordination, and the Holy Spirit: 1870–1910
Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, many
Protestant denominations expanded roles for women. Women were
involved in the missionary movement, ladies’ aid societies to support
and raise money for congregations, and social reform movements like
the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Between 1870 and 1910,
a handful of new Wesleyan/Holiness churches ordained women from
their founding, justifying this decision by pointing to women’s active
leadership in the primitive church and the call of the Holy Spirit.3
Like these charismatic churches, the RLDS Church, reorganized in
the 1850s after the 1840s Nauvoo diaspora, propagated a religious culture
that embraced spiritual gifts like speaking in tongues, faith healing, and
prophecy.4 By the 1890s, some members began to affirm women’s religious authority through these charismatic gifts. In the Pacific Slope Mission of California, High Priest D. S. Mills felt moved “by the power of the
Holy Spirit” to ordain Emma Burton to give administrations (blessings)
of healing to sick women. Outraged opponents saw this as an ordination
of Burton to the priesthood.5 Apostle T. W. Smith, the supervisor for the
Pacific Slope Mission, directly responded to this incident, indicating that
3. Michelle Sanchez, “Your Daughters Shall Prophesy: The Rise of Women’s Ordination in the Holiness Tradition,” Priscilla Papers 24, no. 4 (2010): 17–22; Susie C. Stanley,
“The Promise Fulfilled: Women’s Ministries in the Wesleyan/Holiness Movement,” in
Religious Institutions and Women’s Leadership: New Roles Inside the Mainstream, ed.
Catherine Wessinger (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1996), 141.
4. Clare D. Vlahos, “A History of Early RLDS Spirituality, 1860–1885,” (PhD diss.,
University of Kansas, 1992).
5. L. Madelon Brunson, Bonds of Sisterhood: A History of the RLDS Women’s Organization: 1842–1983 (Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1985), 41; Becky
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women could not hold priesthood office.6 Several RLDS Church members
strongly reacted to Smith’s prohibition. Sister E. G. Hodge, an old Nauvoo
saint, wrote a letter, published in the Saints’ Herald, saying: “I do not like
to hear them say that woman cannot hold the priesthood or do this or
do that. . . . Are we not all one in Christ Jesus?”7
The issue came up again in April 1905, when a proposed resolution
at General Conference sought to obtain ordination for women working with the Zion’s Religio Society, a Book of Mormon reading group
for church youth.8 As clergy received discounted train fares, women’s
ordination would have had practical value. The issue was referred to the
First Presidency and Council of Twelve, who reported that new revelations would be required for such a break from tradition and that in the
absence of such revelation they could not support women’s ordination.9
Questions about women’s ordination, though, would not go away.
Renewed Discussion of Women’s Ordination: 1920–1930s
Even as the Nineteenth Amendment granted White women voting
rights, Protestant women lobbied for equal opportunities in churches.
For example, building on previous attempts, in the 1920 General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, the International Association of Women Ministers (IAWM) sent a petition to the Methodist Episcopal Church’s General Conference to “approve ecclesiastical equality
for women,” but was unsuccessful.10 In the 1924 General Conference,
L. Savage, “A Journey toward the Ordination of Women in Community of Christ: A
Historical Literature Review” (MA thesis, Graceland University, 2005), 49.
6. T. W. Smith, “Can Women Hold Office in the Church of Jesus Christ?” The Saints’
Herald 37, December 20, 1890, 825–28.
7. Savage, “A Journey,” 49.
8. L. Madelon Brunson, “Stranger in a Strange Land: A Personal Response to the
1984 Document,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 17, no. 3 (1984): 11–17.
9. William D. Russell, “The Last Smith Presidents and the Transformation of the
RLDS Church,” Journal of Mormon History 34, no. 3 (2008): 46–84.
10. William T. Noll, “A Welcome in the Ministry: The 1920 and 1924 General Conferences Debate Clergy Rights for Women,” Methodist History 30, no. 2 (1992): 91–99.
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Methodist Episcopal Church women secured ordination as lay preachers but not full clergy rights.
A 1920 editorial in The Saints’ Herald reported on ordination
debates in the Presbyterian Church. Editor Sam Burgess took the occasion to comment on the prospects of women’s ordination in his church.
Burgess indicated RLDS scripture did not prohibit women from ministry, but that the ordination of women would require “a change in the
constitution of the church.”11
The broader deaconess movement among mainline Protestants
began a slow decline in the 1930s, but RLDS President Fred M. Smith
considered the possibility of creating such an order.12 In 1936, Smith
stated at a women’s gathering that he was considering “ordaining” deaconesses to an “Order of Dorcas.”13 At this time, some Protestant deaconesses and their supporters had begun to advocate for the full ordination of women.14 Nevertheless, while Smith confided in his protege
Garland Tickemyer that women would someday be ordained to the
priesthood,15 open advocacy for women’s ordination would not happen
again among RLDS for the next thirty-five years.
RLDS Feminist Activism: 1970–1984
A generation after the ordination controversies of the 1910s and 1920s,
a number of mainline Protestant denominations rapidly accepted the
practice. Northern and Southern Presbyterians did so in 1956 and 1965,
11. Sam Burgess, “The Position of Woman in the Church,” The Saints’ Herald 67,
June 23, 1920, 593–94.
12. Fred M. Smith, “A Program for the Women’s Work,” The Saints’ Herald 82,
November 12, 1935, 1452, 1459.
13. “President Smith Addresses Women: Outlines Ideals and Aims for Group,” The
Saints’ Herald–Conference Daily Edition, April 7, 1936, 54; Savage, “A Journey,” 30–31.
14. Jenny Wiley Legath, Sanctified Sisters: A History of Protestant Deaconesses (New
York: New York University Press, 2019), 157.
15. “RLDS Church women may join priesthood,” UPI, April 6, 1984, https://
www.upi.com/Archives/1984/04/06/RLDS-Church-women-may-join-priesthood
/6891450075600/.
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respectively; some northern Methodists in 1956; some Lutherans in
1970; and Episcopalians finally in 1976.16 Concurrent with the rise of
second wave feminism, activists formed small, grassroots organizations in a number of denominations to advocate for the ordination of
women. Some women from these smaller groups joined larger ecumenical organizations, like the IAWM and Church Women United (CWU),
that engaged in advocacy work. As these mainline Protestant churches
moved to ordain women, the RLDS Church engaged in the process of
discerning women’s ordination too.17
In April 1970, a handful of liberal RLDS faculty members at RLDS
Church–owned Graceland College (now University) founded Courage:
A Journal of History, Thought, and Action.18 That same month, delegates at the World Conference (the renamed “General Conference”)
discussed a resolution that addressed women’s underrepresentation on
church committees. The Australian delegation presented an alternative
motion that affirmed women’s leadership and asked church leadership
to clarify its position on women’s ordination.19 Delegates, however,
voted to table the resolution.
In a Courage editorial later that year, the board identified two significant problems in the church: women’s inequality and “a shortage of
priesthood manpower.”20 Others expressed concern that the full talent
of the church was not being employed due to the male-only priesthood.21
Another advocate, Carolyn Raiser, posed the question “Why do women
want to be in the priesthood?” and provided her own answer: “Some
16. Kate Bowler, The Preacher’s Wife: The Precarious Power of Evangelical Women
Celebrities (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2020), 38–39.
17. Barbara Brown Zikmund, Adair T. Lummis, and Patricia Mei Yin Chang, Clergy
Women: An Uphill Calling (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1998), 11–12.
18. Russell, “Ordaining Women and the Transformation from Sect to Denomination,” 61–64; William D. Russell, “Courage: A Liberal Journal Foreshadows RLDS
Doctrinal Shifts,” The John Whitmer Historical Association Journal 28 (2008): 137–56.
19. Brunson, “Stranger in a Strange Land,” 11–17.
20. Editorial Board, “The Role of Women in the Church,” Courage: A Journal of
History, Thought, and Action 1, no. 2 (1970): 110.
21. Edwards, “RLDS Priesthood,” 6–11.
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women involved in the emerging women’s rights movement within
the church would answer ‘We don’t!’” She explained that some women
associated the priesthood with authoritarianism and, therefore, did not
wish to join it.22
During the 1970s and early 1980s, women’s ordination was a frequent topic of debate at World Conference. Church leadership continued to state that the barriers to women’s ordination were not theological
but related to church tradition and cultural bias against women in leadership positions.23 A more conservative faction disagreed, arguing that
male-only priesthood was theologically necessary. RLDS fundamentalist Richard Price, for instance, published a widely circulated book,
Saints at the Crossroads, which warned readers about women’s ordination. Even as conservative RLDS members feared women’s ordination,
some feminist members left the RLDS Church because progress was
too slow.24
Like many mainline Protestant denominations, RLDS women
formed their own grassroots feminist advocacy organization, which
grew out of meetings of the RLDS Women’s Caucus in 1975 and 1976.25
They called this organization AWARE (1976–1997), a nod to the feminist consciousness-raising objectives of their group. AWARE members held women-only gatherings in which they worshipped together,
sponsored conferences that explored feminist theology, supported local
women running for public office, created action plans to advocate for
equal pay for women who worked for the church, and wrote letters
expressing their solidarity with excommunicated Mormon feminist
Sonia Johnson.26 Ultimately, AWARE women not only advocated for
22. Carolyn Raiser, “Women’s Liberation in the Saints’ Church,” Courage: A Journal
of History, Thought, and Action 3, no. 1 (1972): 44.
23. Spillman, “Adjustment or Apostasy?” 12.
24. Richard Price, The Saints at the Crossroads (Independence, MO: Price Publishing, 1974), 214–17; Russell, “Last Smith Presidents,” 72.
25. “Minutes of the RLDS Women’s Caucus,” January 31, 1976, Marjorie Troeh
Collection, Community of Christ Archives, Independence, MO.
26. Marjorie Troeh to Sonia Johnson, undated, Marjorie Troeh Collection, Community of Christ Archives.
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women’s ordination, but also practiced non-hierarchical models of leadership described in articles published by Courage.27
In 1979, RLDS Women’s Commissioner and AWARE member Marjorie Troeh represented the church on the national board for CWU, an
ecumenical organization that connected Troeh to those who were doing
similar kinds of advocacy work in other denominations. RLDS women
became involved with CWU at the local and national levels. CWU, too,
had become a much more activist organization in the 1970s compared to
its more apolitical stance in the previous decades.28 Consequently, RLDS
women found their activism energized by their association with CWU.
By the early 1980s, the campaign for women’s ordination within
the RLDS Church had spread throughout the United States, Australia,
the United Kingdom, and Canada.29 For example, women were being
called to the priesthood in local Australian and New Zealand congregations, but their calls were not approved by the RLDS First Presidency.30
Frustrated by this situation, Australian and New Zealand delegates at
the 1980 World Conference proposed a resolution authorizing women’s
ordination in their local jurisdictions, even if it did not happen in the
larger RLDS Church. The resolution failed.
In 1984, Sharon Welch, a longtime member of AWARE and newly
hired assistant professor of theology at Harvard Divinity School, led
an AWARE retreat at a Benedictine abbey in northern Missouri. By
then, RLDS feminists had been advocating for more than a decade for
goals that were congruent with the emerging Women-Church groups
27. William D. Russell, “The Rise and Fall of Courage, an Independent RLDS Journal,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 11, no. 1 (1978): 115–19; Russell, “Courage,” 137–56.
28. Caryn E. Neumann, “Enabled by the Holy Spirit: Church Women United and
the Development of Ecumenical Christian Feminism,” in Feminist Coalitions: Historical Perspectives on Second-Wave Feminism in the United States, ed. Stephanie Gilmore
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2008), 113–34; Marjorie Troeh, interview by
Rebecca Angstadt and Payton Armstrong, April 3, 2020, transcript in possession of
the authors.
29. Savage, “A Journey,” 82–83.
30. Brunson, “Stranger in a Strange Land,” 13.
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in the Catholic Church.31 At the retreat, RLDS women tried to enact
this vision, allowing all to participate in the serving of communion, a
violation of common RLDS practices in which only priesthood served
the sacrament. Feminist groups in other parts of the church had enacted
the same transgressive ritual for several years, including an all-women’s
congregation in Michigan.32
Though the church hierarchy had long identified revelation as the
best path forward for women’s ordination, no such revelation had been
forthcoming from the First Presidency until the 1984 World Conference, when church leaders presented the long-awaited document. Some
church members were jubilant. Becky Savage, who was present at the
reading of the new revelation that became Section 156 of the Doctrine
and Covenants, wrote: “I can confirm the overwhelming, stunned quiet
that permeated the Conference Chamber when the document was read
to the unordained delegates. The second most predominant emotion
was joy, and for many, this elation continued several months later.”33
Others, however, had more mixed responses. Marlene Krueger, who
had worked in the music and women’s departments, was overwhelmed
and did not want additional church responsibilities.34 RLDS feminists who
had been exploring the elimination of the patriarchal hierarchy in a Women-Church model had a different critique. For them, women’s ordination
felt like a concession instead of a victory. Barbara Higdon, president of
Graceland College, reflected on her immediate response years later, wondering if she would accept a call to priesthood with integrity.35 Archivist
Madelon Brunson likewise expressed ambivalence and wrote that she felt
depressed that the hierarchical church structure would remain intact.36
31. Rosemary Radford Ruether, “Should Women Want Women Priests or Women-Church?” Feminist Theology 20, no. 1 (2011): 63–72.
32. Charmaine Chvala-Smith, interview by Naomi Brill, Em Papineau, and Raleigh
Williams, March 26, 2020, transcript in possession of authors.
33. Savage, “A Journey,” 87–88.
34. Women’s Commission Oral History Project, Community of Christ Archives.
35. Barbara Higdon, “Present at the Beginning: One Woman’s Journey,” Dialogue:
A Journal of Mormon Thought 36, no. 3 (2003): 68.
36. Brunson, “Stranger in a Strange Land,” 15.
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Women Ordained and Women Serve: 1985–Present
In the 1980s and 1990s, clergywomen in many denominations struggled to achieve legitimacy and parity with clergymen. Sociological
studies tracked the low numbers of clergywomen in the early decades
of women’s ordination and the large gaps in pay and career trajectories.37 By 2018, women in some denominations were being ordained in
larger numbers and, in a few cases, had reached numerical parity with
clergymen.38
While the 1984 World Conference approved women’s ordination,
the first ordinations did not happen until November 1985, when one
hundred ordinations took place, with hundreds following the next year.39
Susan Skoor reported that many women faced local opposition, not
unlike what took place in other denominations.40 Yet the growing number of women’s ordinations made the denomination stand out among
American churches.41 RLDS priesthood statistics from 1996 show
that women made up about 27 percent of all priesthood in the global
church.42 In comparison, in 1994 the United Church of Christ had the
highest percentage of women clergy of any mainline Protestant church,
at 25 percent, with many mainline Protestant denominations sitting at
10–12 percent.43
In the thirty years since the first RLDS ordinations in 1985, the
social significance of women’s ordination came into sharper focus, as
37. Eileen R. Campbell-Reed, “State of Clergywomen in the US: A Statistical Update,” October 2018, 1–19, https://eileencampbellreed.org/state-of-clergy/download
-state-of-us-clergywomen/; Constance L. Shehan, Jesse Schultz, and Marsha Wiggins-Frame, “Feeding the Flock and the Family: Work and Family Challenges Facing
Ordained Clergy Women,” Sociological Focus 32, no. 3 (1999): 247–63; Zikmund, Lummis, and Chang, Clergy Women, 71–76.
38. Campbell-Reed, “State of Clergywomen in the US,” 1–19.
39. Russell, “Last Smith Presidents,” 46–84.
40. Susan D. Skoor, “Women’s Ministries in the Community of Christ: A Personal
Reflection,” John Whitmer Historical Association Journal 27 (2007): 115.
41. Savage, “A Journey,” 95–96.
42. “1996 RLDS Priesthood Statistics,” Saints Herald 144, May 1997, 209.
43. Campbell-Reed, “State of Clergywomen in the US,” 4–5.
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denominations took women’s ordination as a sign of which side a group
took in America’s culture wars. By the 1990s, America’s largest Protestant denomination, the Southern Baptist Convention, had retracted
its policies that had allowed for women’s ordination as senior pastors.
Reflecting on such developments, Mark Chaves explained that American denominations often utilize women’s ordination “as symbolic display to the outside world” on their collective position toward liberalism
within modernity. “To resist gender equality,” stated Chaves, “was, and
is, to resist that project.”44
While scholars have expressed concerns over the numbers of those
who left in the wake of women’s ordination, this change saved the RLDS
Church by allowing many more capable adults to join the ranks of
church leadership at the local level and more broadly.45 Many RLDS
women celebrated the victory of the 1984 decision, but others viewed
this change as a concession to patriarchal hierarchy rather than a win
for true equality. Today, five of the members of the Council of Twelve
Apostles are women, as is one of the three members of the First Presidency. Women serve at all levels of leadership throughout the global
church.
Still, the path to women’s ordination was a complex one, with
church leaders acknowledging that ordination was a possibility many
decades before it became a reality. While a handful of studies detail the
institutional debate and process that resulted in women’s ordination,
far fewer acknowledge the role of grassroots groups like AWARE and
ecumenical groups like CWU. Ultimately, RLDS Church leaders chose
to align the church with mainline Protestant norms rather than side
with evangelically inflected concerns. This further marked a separation
from LDS Church trends and became an important marker of RLDS
identity in the late twentieth century. Such actions highlight that there
was more than one way to be a Mormon in the late twentieth century,
44. Mark Chaves, “The Symbolic Significance of Women’s Ordination,” Journal of
Religion 77, no. 1 (1997): 113, 114.
45. George N. Walton, “Sect to Denomination: Counting the Progress of the RLDS
Reformation?” The John Whitmer Historical Association Journal 18 (1998): 38–62.
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as well as more than one “mainstream” to which an American religious
group could aspire.
Nancy Ross is an associate professor in the Interdisciplinary Arts and
Sciences Department at Dixie State University.
David J. Howlett is the Mellon Visiting Assistant Professor of Religion
at Smith College.
Zoe Kruse is a student at Smith College, double majoring in Quantitative Economics and Religion.
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